In which I argue that our professional military and intelligence leaders have started behaving as though the United States is not a republic but instead a third world junta…all because they dislike the current commander-in-chief. If they can treat the maligned Trump this way, they can treat any duly elected leader this way.
“One of the biggest hurdles to properly defending the country in today’s complex threat environment is the fact that the costs are too damn high. Lower those costs through free market reforms — by allowing for real competition within the DoD’s procurement process — and you’ll make things like space defense a reality in a short time.”
In his rebuttal to Brandon J. Weichert’s original piece in The American Spectator, Senator Patrick Leahy argues, “Far from impeding our ability to advance U.S. interests, the Leahy laws have provided an effective example of how U.S. national interests can be pursued overseas in a manner that promotes the rule of law and is sustainable over the long term.”
“Fact is, since the original National Security Act of 1947 was passed, the world—and the requirements for national security—have changed immeasurably. Meanwhile, our most important institutions for national defense have only gotten larger (but not necessarily better at defending the country). They’ve become pigs—led by bureaucratic sheep—in a world of wolves. And pigs get slaughtered.”
The House of Representatives have passed the National Defense Authorization Act up to the Senate. It represents one of the most wasteful budgets in history. I explain why our defense budget is broken and what we must do to repair it before it’s too late.
In my most recent piece over at American Greatness, I make the case that current Deputy Secretary of Defense Robert O. Work should remain in place for at least the first 3-6 months of the incoming Trump Administration (possibly even longer than that, given his unique talents and abilities).
In an increasingly dangerous and fragmented world, the U.S. will need to deter its foes and reassure its friends. However, current economic conditions make such a policy dubious at best. Therefore, this article will discuss how key defense budget reforms will allow for the proper allocation of funds to support the deterrence and reassurance strategy.
For the entirety of the Obama Administration, the United States has engaged in a foreign policy oriented around cooperating with its adversaries and accommodating them, in order to bring about an international order to that eschews the pitfalls of the 19th century concert of powers or 20th century balance-of-power schemes. President Obama’s foreign policy has yielded terrible results. This essay argues for increased defense spending and enhanced military capabilities, in order to deter American foes and reassure American friends.